By Jonathan Cook
Over the past four decades Israel has defrauded Palestinians working inside Israel of more than $2 billion by deducting from their salaries contributions for welfare benefits to which they were never entitled, Israeli economists have revealed.

If you work for Zionists, expect to be robbed
A new report, “State Robbery,” to be published later this month, says the “theft” continued even after the Palestinian Authority was established in 1994 and part of the money was supposed to be transferred to a special fund on behalf of the workers.
According to information supplied by Israeli officials, most of the deductions from the workers’ pay were invested in infrastructure projects in the Occupied Palestinian Territories — a presumed reference to the massive state subsidies accorded to the settlements.
Nearly 50,000 Palestinians from the West Bank are working in Israel — following the easing of restrictions on entering Israel under the “economic peace” promised by Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister — and continue to have such contributions docked from their pay.
Complicit in the deception, the report adds, is the Histadrut, the Israeli labour federation, which levies a monthly fee on Palestinian workers, even though they are not entitled to membership and are not represented in labour disputes.
“This is a clear-cut case of theft from Palestinian workers on a grand scale,” said Shir Hever, a Jerusalem-based economist and one of the authors of the report. “There are no reasons for Israel to delay in returning this money either to the workers or to their beneficiaries.”
The deductions started being made in 1970, three years after the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories began, when Palestinian workers started to enter Israel in significant numbers, most of them employed as manual laborers in the agriculture and construction industries.
Typically, the workers lose a fifth of their salary in deductions that are supposed to cover old age payments, unemployment allowance, disability insurance, child benefits, trade union fees, pension fund, holiday and sick pay, and health insurance. In practice, however, the workers are entitled only to disability payments in case of work accidents and are insured against loss of work if their employer goes bankrupt.
According to the report, compiled by two human rights groups, the Alternative Information Centre and Kav La’Oved, only a fraction of the total contributions — less than eight percent — was used to award benefits to Palestinian workers. The rest was secretly transferred to the finance ministry.
The Israeli organizations assess that the workers were defrauded of at least $2.25 billion in today’s prices, in what they describe as a minimum and “very conservative” estimate of the misappropriation of the funds. Such a sum represents about 10 percent of the PA’s annual budget.
The authors also note that they excluded from their calculations two substantial groups of Palestinian workers — those employed in the Jewish settlements and those working in Israel’s black economy — because figures were too hard to obtain.
Hever said the question of whether the bulk of the deductions — those for national insurance — had been illegally taken from the workers was settled by the Israeli High Court back in 1991. The judges accepted a petition from the flower growers’ union that the government should return about $1.5 million in contributions from Palestinian workers in the industry.
“The legal precedent was set then and could be used to reclaim the rest of these excessive deductions,” he said.
At the height of Palestinian participation in the Israeli labour force, in the early 1990s, as many as one in three Palestinian workers was dependent on an Israeli employer.
Israel continued requiring contributions from Palestinian workers after the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, arguing that it needed to make the deductions to ensure Israeli workers remained competitive.
However, the report notes that such practices were supposed to have been curbed by the Oslo process. Israel agreed to levy an “equalization tax” — equivalent to the excessive contributions paid by Palestinians — a third of which would be invested in a fund that would later be available to the workers.
In fact, however, the Israeli State Comptroller, a government watchdog official, reported in 2003 that only about a tenth of the money levied on the workers had actually been placed in the fund.
The finance ministry has admitted that most of the money taken from the workers was passed to Israeli military authorities in the Palestinian territories to pay for “infrastructure programs.” Hannah Zohar, the director of Kav La’Oved who co-authored the report, said she believed that the ministry was actually referring to the construction of illegal settlements.
The report is also highly critical of the Histadrut, Israel’s trade union federation, which it accuses of grabbing “a piece of the pie” by forcing Palestinian workers to pay a monthly “organizing fee” to the union since 1970, even though Palestinians are not entitled to membership.
Despite the Histadrut’s agreement with its Palestinian counterpart in 2008 to repay the fees, only 20 percent was returned, leaving $30 million unaccounted for.
The Histadrut was also implicated in another “rip-off,” said Hever. It agreed in 1990 to the Israeli construction industry’s demand that Palestinian workers pay an extra two percent tax to promote the training of recent Jewish immigrants, most of them from the former Soviet Union.
Hever said that in effect the Palestinian laborers were required to “subsidize the training of workers meant to replace them.” The funds were never used for the stated purpose but were mainly issued as grants to the families of Israeli workers.
In one especially cynical use of the funds, the report notes, the money was spent on portable stoves for soldiers involved in Israel’s three-week attack on Gaza last year.
In response, the finance ministry called the report “incorrect and misleading,” and the Histadrut claimed it was “full of lies.” However, neither provided rebuttals of the report’s allegations or its calculations.
Hever said the government body responsible for making the deductions, the department of payments, had initially refused to divulge any of its figures, but had partly relented after some statistics were made available through leaks from its staff.
Assef Saeed, a senior official in the Palestinian Authority’s labour ministry, said the PA was keen to discuss the issue of the deductions, but that talks were difficult because of the lack of contacts between the two sides.
Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books). His website is www.jkcook.net.
A version of this article originally appeared in The National, published in Abu Dhabi.
Email this to ALL YOUR FRIENDS!
Tags: Constitution, Honorable Robert S Wiley, Judge Robert S. Wiley, Judge Robert Wiley, Mason, masons, off the record, Robert S. Wiley, Robert Wiley, secret hearing, Stand, Stone County, Stone County Judicial Center, Stone County Missouri, The Constitution, U.S. Constitution
Tags: Chip Tatum
GALENA, MISSOURI

Den of Thieves
My eyes have been fully opened as to the extent of corruption within the Stone County Judicial System.
A very interesting courtroom setting…
Last Friday morning I found myself in an empty courtroom with Judge Robert S. Wiley. The only people in the room were two court reporters, two bailiffs and two prosecutors. Apparently, the Stone County judicial system just stepped off of Noah’s Ark.
OK at First
Mr. Wiley had a bit of trouble when I first introduced myself and asked him to consent to my not consenting to his jurisdiction. But he got over it and things were OK for awhile.
But then things took a turn
The situation became suspicious when Wiley refused to allow me to argue my most recent motion on the record. In case you don’t know it, being on the record is what keeps courts honest. The record can be used as evidence against the judge. Normally, if you ask a judge to go on the record they will do so. But Wiley steadfastly refused. It would soon become apparent why…
Is he dating the prosecutor?
As the hearing continued, Wiley repeatedly winked at the prosecutors. So much so, that I began wondering…is the old man dating the Branson West slut? Whereas in the beginning he seemed nice, it became quite apparent that Wiley was not actually the judge but, in fact, the lead prosecutor.
As a result, the exchanges between he and myself were quite heated, yet civil. I could tell that the bailiffs were uncomfortable, but they held their ground.
The Revelation
Wiley basically discounted the motion that I had presented before the court, which was OK. But then came the revelation. Wiley mentioned the Constitution. I knew I had caught him in a lie. So I asked him under which of the two jurisdictions mandated by the US Constitution was he claiming to be presiding over this case. His answer… “NEITHER” (We captured his answer on our digital recorder and will have it for you some time next week).
OMFG! What a shocker. I pursued him to answer my question, asserting that it was unlawful not to do so. He persisted in dodging my demand for him to explicitly state his authority. The bailiffs both stood up and proceeded to walk slowly towards me. It suddenly hit me like a ton of bricks…the old bastard’s dirty too!
I sat down and just eased back. It was obvious that my faith in the old man had been completely misplaced. Sadly, there is no redeeming feature about the Stone County Judicial System. So that is why the wily Wiley did not want to go on the record.
Just before departing Wiley said, “Thank you for staying civil (while I was f*cking you up the a*s).” Ok, he didn’t actually say that last part, but it was obvious what he meant.
Obvious
In fact, now it’s completly obvious what Wiley plans to do. He intends to: 1) isolate me in a separate courtroom away from any witnessess, 2) refuse to go on the record and 3) claim jurisdiction that he doesn’t actually possess.
They’re All Corrupt!
Robert S. Wiley is the presiding judge of Stone County. So if he’s corrupt, they’re all corrupt. I know I’ll still win. But it’s sad to learn that…in a Stone County Courtroom, the real criminals are not sitting at the Defendant’s table…they’re sitting behind the bench!
Tags: Dayrell Scrivner, Galena, Judge Robert S. Wiley, Kari Walden, Robert S. Wiley, Stone County Judicial Center, Stone County Missouri
Tags: Professor Tony Martin
Tags: Chip Tatum




First of all, you can begin to do your own thinking for a change. Research some basic concepts such as liberty. Go beyond what you’ve been programmed to think. Knowledge is power, which is exactly what the powers that be do not want you to have (if you haven’t noticed already). After you educate yourself you will, no doubt, begin to realize with 20/20 vision how dysfunctional the above systems are.

